In late November 2004, Nissan announced that due to a shortage
of steel it would be shutting down three of its Japanese plants
for a period of five days, thus postponing the production
of 25,000 vehicles. It soon became apparent that more of the
same was needed. The carmaker is now expecting to shut down
for a further two days in March 2005, thus delaying the production
of 15,000 more vehicles. Steel supplies should normalise in
the future, but as Carlos Ghosn himself has recognised, the
rising price of this intermediary good is likely to have a
knock-on effect on automobile prices, despite cost-cutting
efforts made in other areas.
Observers have generally interpreted this news positively,
viewing the steel shortage both as a side-effect of the endless
appetite for such products in China (a phenomenon that has
the merit, at least for the moment, of driving global growth),
and also as a result of the success of Nissan’s new
models, for which orders have been higher than expected.
These explanations deserve a second look, however. After
all, the same context does not appear to have had the same
effects on Japan’s other carmakers. With the exception
of Suzuki (also forced to stop production for a few days)
and Mitsubishi (untouched by the shortage of steel due to
a fall in sales), the country’s other manufacturers,
especially Toyota and Honda (whose output has been rising
faster than Nissan’s) hastened to announce that they
would neither have to shut any plants nor, at least temporarily,
even raise their prices.
Looking back in time, note Carlos Ghosn’s late 1999
announcement, as part of his draconian immediate cost-cutting
programme, that he would in the future only ben choosing steel
suppliers capable of low-balling their prices. A benchmark
figure of - 17% was advanced.
At first, this downwards pressure succeeded beyond expectations,
with prices plummeting by 20%. Except for Kawasaki Steel,
all Japanese steelmakers ended up in the red in 2001 and 2002.
By 2004 Nissan only had two suppliers: Nippon Steel and JFE
Steel.
Over the past four years, however, the situation has changed
completely. Global demand for steel, specifically from China,
has exploded, as have spot prices. Most carmakers are taking
this in stride, having negotiated long-term (3 to 5 year)
sourcing contracts and thereby agreeing to work on an average-price
basis. Nissan, on the other hand, appears to be operating
differently, in a turn of events that may well reveal the
limitations of a strategy based on constantly pressuring one’s
suppliers into an immediate lowering of their prices. Like
any strategy, Nissan’s approach can only become sustainably
viable under certain conditions. Many analysts arrive a bit
too quickly at the opinion that by subjecting suppliers to
a generalised global competition, purchasers can free themselves
forever from supplier -imposed price constraints, particularly
in the case of a product like steel, which is reputed to be
banal, over-abundant and in decline.
In this new environment, the two steel suppliers that Nissan
chose have unsurprisingly decided to prioritise deliveries
to those carmaker customers to whom they made a long-term
commitment, and who have been less demanding in price terms.
This has forced Carlos Ghosn to go knock on the Korean Pesco
and the European Arcelor’s doors. For the moment, he
has only received half of the tonnage ordered – at current
market prices, of course.
Two temporary conclusions can be drawn from this affair.
The first is the apparent confirmation of the need for a modicum
of coherency between a carmaker and its suppliers’ strategies
if both sides are to achieve long-term profitability. If a
cost-cutting strategy is not part of some medium-term compromise,
it will blow up as soon as the balance of power shifts between
the two parties involved. A supplier is an essential actor
in a carmaker’s « company governance compromise
». It is the harmony of the entire « value chain
» that must receive attention, not just the interests
of one company. This also means accounting for retailers and
so-called service companies, in addition to suppliers.
The second conclusion to be drawn from this affair is that
even if suppliers’ strategies do not have to derive
directly from end-user demand, they will nevertheless be indirectly
affected due to their customers’ own strategies. This
can cause suppliers a few problems, since their carmaker clients
might be pursuing very different profit strategies –
raising a question as to whether suppliers are actually capable
of internalising the coexistence of contradictory profit requirements.
This offers us an analytical prism for viewing first-tier
suppliers’ contrasting trajectories. It is not enough
for them to merely book orders – they must also fulfil
their obligations in a way that is coherent with carmakers’
diverging strategies. What we may have discovered here is
a structural limitation of worldsourcing.